By Daniel Alvarez, M.B.A.

The current political climate in Mexico reveals a rapid and significant shift away from the reforms associated with AMLO's administration, bringing the country closer to practices reminiscent of the PRI era of the 1970s.

I quickly examine these developments in this brief analysis, highlighting the fundamental changes and their implications.

First and foremost, it is essential to understand what constitutes an autonomous agency. These agencies were established to ensure a balance of power within the government, serving roles in regulation and oversight. They possess legal personality, budgetary independence, and operational autonomy.

Consequently, they are not accountable to other state powers, such as the presidency, which can be problematic if someone or something seeks total centralized control. Each agency has specific mandates; for instance, BANXICO is responsible for currency stability, INAI ensures governmental transparency, and IFT regulates telecommunications, preventing monopolies.

The current administration, which follows the Unofficial Manual of the Latin American Dictator to the letter, aims to dismantle at least seven autonomous agencies, arguing that they are ineffective and costly. The apparent rationale is that the funds currently allocated to these agencies could be better utilized for pensions and social policies. Still, as the practice has shown, they are used by the MORENA party and their affiliates to build a client base and secure political support.

INAI (The National Institute for Transparency, Access to Information, and Protection of Personal Data) is among the targeted agencies that ensure government accountability. Eliminating INAI and other agencies would significantly enhance the government's capacity to act unilaterally, which appears to be the underlying objective. As such, the focus is removing entities that impede the MORENA agenda. The INE, already under their control, remains unaffected. At the same time, Banxico's role will likely face minimal alterations, that is if they don’t want to add a hyperinflation problem to their list.

In a functioning democracy, the executive, legislative, and judicial branches must operate independently to maintain checks and balances. Recently, the INE approved a qualified majority for MORENA in the Chamber of Deputies, which also holds a substantial majority in the Senate.

Although theoretically, they fell short by three legislators of achieving a qualified majority, it is anticipated they will secure it. This is due to recent negotiations involving significant financial inducements aimed at opposition senators to align with MORENA or support their legislative agenda.

The worst predictions have now occurred, with two PRD senators defecting to MORENA, and it is expected that others, possibly from the PRI, will follow, consolidating MORENA’s qualified majority in the Senate. This development implies that proposed reforms can be passed quickly, as the majority will support them. Additionally, Noroña has been appointed President of the Senate after considerable delay, further consolidating MORENA’s control over the legislative branch.

The big problem: The reform of the Judicial Power has been extensively discussed. The judicial branch is crucial for maintaining checks and balances, and its removal as an independent counterbalance to the executive is now underway.

The reform was approved earlier this week, effectively diminishing the judiciary’s role as a counterweight to presidential decisions. During AMLO's term, the judiciary was the primary institution resisting his reforms. With the proposed changes, the judiciary will become an extension of the executive, as the executive branch will control judicial appointments. One step closer to absolute power.

While other nations strive to combat drug trafficking, the current Mexican administration has been criticized for its lenient stance. The "hugs, not bullets" strategy implemented by AMLO has been perceived as offering protection to drug cartels, thereby securing significant electoral support at a high cost.

As the newly elected president prepares for a hiatus, which is expected to align with AMLO's agenda, the political focus remains on domestic issues. For Mexican voters, the current political developments necessitate active engagement and vigilance to prevent a second Maximato.

The erosion of institutional checks and balances and the consolidation of power within the executive branch pose a significant threat to democratic governance and transparency. Voters must be informed and involved, advocating for preserving autonomous institutions and resisting reforms undermining democratic principles.

The fundamental issue is that the Mexican population seems asleep, lethargic, and incapacitated to ignite change. Public awareness and civic participation are crucial in holding the government accountable and ensuring that democratic norms and values are upheld. An engaged electorate can influence policy and reform processes, safeguarding the integrity of Mexico’s political and judicial systems amidst these transformative times. But sadly, this does not appear to be the case.

Daniel Alvarez is a Professor at MiraCosta College, a seasoned professional and educator with extensive international experience and a passion for community development.